The internationally recognised Government of National Accord (GNA) based in Tripoli managed to strike a peace deal with its longtime foe the Libyan National Army (LNA) led by ex-Qaddafi military general Khalifa Haftar. However, whilst the GNA has been one of Europe’s key partners on the trans-Mediterranean migration route, issues regarding the fate of people who attempt to get into dinghies to reach EU shores remain at large.
After years of fighting the two main factions in the Libyan civil war have reached a peace agreement in late 2020. The peace agreement was signed by the parties after five days of talks in Geneva, Switzerland. The situation remains volatile but transitional activities have started, entailing the uncovering of mass graves in towns like Tarhuna and discussions about how to implement Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) of combatants. A UN observer mission is expected to land in Libya to supervise the ceasefire implementation. However, one issue is expected not to be high on the agenda, and that is the plight of foreign nationals who have a migrant status in Libya.
After the conflict re-erupted in 2014, three years after Colonel Qaddafi’s demise, migrants who resided and worked in the country were faced with the difficult decision to leave amid a climate of heightened insecurity and limited resources for evacuation. At the same time smugglers took advantage of the lawlessness and the power vacuum the conflict has left behind to make a profit from migrants’ and refugees’ desperation to reach a safe haven or a destination where their life prospects could be better than that of their home countries.
Whilst the two main opposition factions GNA and LNA have both utilised local militias as their ‘foot soldiers’ to do their ‘dirty work’. These armed groups have established de facto control over a large swath of the country and operate in their ‘turfs’ in the style of mafias and criminal gangs. Obviously, this gave them the opportunity to branch out in the smuggling business and human trafficking. Shameful reports quickly came to light with footage showcasing ‘slave auctions’ of young African men and women or subpar immigration processing centres akin to concentration camps. Others report systematic torture, starvation, forced labour and sexual violence. This was happening ‘under the nose’ of the GNA, as local militias quickly gained control over government-funded migration detention centres due to corruption and lack of regard for safeguarding the physical integrity of migrants. Moreover, Airwars reported incidents where these detention centres were shelled during combat operations leading to the deaths of many civilians.
The question of controlling militia’s actions is a wider topic that will be of major concern for both the GNA and LNA in the coming stages of the peace process. Smuggling and trafficking is a lucrative business for combatants and local gangs, providing a substantial livelihood in a country whose economy and infrastructure is in tatters. Therefore, the ensuing government is likely to ignore the issue and focus more on finding ways to neutralise militias as a threat to the establishment by appeasing them. There are already talks of integrating them into the armed forces which will also entail amnesties and pardoning of past crimes, so injustices committed against migrants are likely to never be brought before the court, and the illicit smuggling business is likely to continue.
The EU has invested a lot in the Libyan government with the aim of preventing migrants from reaching European shores, including training the controversial Libyan coastguard, providing funds of more than 91 million euros, expanding cooperation with the border agency FRONTEX, etc. However, whether the peace deal lasts to see a few more years or not, the EU and agencies concerned with migration and refugees’ affairs need to push for holding the militias, groups and individuals involved in human trafficking and the abuse of migrants accountable. They also need to recognise that despite the funding of the Libyan authorities with millions and multiple resources, they have utterly failed to keep migrants and refugees safe from escalating violence and that they have actively contributed to their perils. Therefore, the EU and international agencies need to revise their strategy and acknowledge that, especially now that the peace process is in its most fragile state, Libya is not a safe haven for migrants to remain at.
*The cover image is courtesy of the Department for International Development/Kate Joseph
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